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A sign of the times...or an aberration?

07 August 2013 / Lawrence McNamara
Issue: 7572 / Categories: Opinion , Bribery , Profession
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Lawrence McNamara & Celia Rooney on corruption in the UK justice system

Transparency International’s Global Corruption Barometer reported this month that 24% of people in the UK believe the courts and judiciary are corrupt or extremely corrupt, and that 20% of people who used the courts in 2012 said they or a household member had paid a bribe in relation to that.
 

These findings have had little attention. They even went unmentioned by the co-chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group on Anti-Corruption.
Yet, they seem remarkable. Can they really be correct? What are we to make of them?

Temperature gauge

The Barometer is derived from surveys of 1,000 people in each of 107 countries about their perception and experience of corruption in a dozen institutional categories including “Judiciary (courts)”.
 
First, perception. While 24% think the courts and judiciary are affected by corruption, this is not out of kilter with common law countries such as Australia (28%), Canada (25%), or New Zealand (20%). Still, it is up from 19% since

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NEWS
The government’s plan to introduce a Single Professional Services Supervisor could erode vital legal-sector expertise, warns Mark Evans, president of the Law Society of England and Wales, in NLJ this week
Writing in NLJ this week, Jonathan Fisher KC of Red Lion Chambers argues that the ‘failure to prevent’ model of corporate criminal responsibility—covering bribery, tax evasion, and fraud—should be embraced, not resisted
Professor Graham Zellick KC argues in NLJ this week that, despite Buckingham Palace’s statement stripping Andrew Mountbatten Windsor of his styles, titles and honours, he remains legally a duke
Writing in NLJ this week, Sophie Ashcroft and Miranda Joseph of Stevens & Bolton dissect the Privy Council’s landmark ruling in Jardine Strategic Ltd v Oasis Investments II Master Fund Ltd (No 2), which abolishes the long-standing 'shareholder rule'
In NLJ this week, Sailesh Mehta and Theo Burges of Red Lion Chambers examine the government’s first-ever 'Afghan leak' super-injunction—used to block reporting of data exposing Afghans who aided UK forces and over 100 British officials. Unlike celebrity privacy cases, this injunction centred on national security. Its use, the authors argue, signals the rise of a vast new body of national security law spanning civil, criminal, and media domains
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