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Brexit got done (Pt 2)

14 January 2021 / Michael Zander KC
Issue: 7916 / Categories: Features , Brexit , Constitutional law
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Michael Zander on whether there was parliamentary scrutiny worthy of the name

Credit where credit is due. Boris Johnson pulled it off. Many, including this writer, doubted whether a trade deal with the EU could be achieved in a year. I felt all along that we would crash-out without a deal and share the general relief that in this respect we underestimated him.

But Parliament was given only one day to consider the European Union (Future Relationship) Bill—80 pages, 40 sections, 6 schedules—giving effect to the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA)—1,246 pages consisting of 410 pages of text and 836 pages of annexes and protocols. Less than five hours in the Commons; something over eight hours in the Lords. No Committee stage in either House. Not a single amendment to the Bill could be moved in either House. Speeches in the Commons limited to four and then three minutes. Speeches in the Lords limited to three minutes. And the Bill was only published the day before it was

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NEWS
The government’s plan to introduce a Single Professional Services Supervisor could erode vital legal-sector expertise, warns Mark Evans, president of the Law Society of England and Wales, in NLJ this week
Writing in NLJ this week, Jonathan Fisher KC of Red Lion Chambers argues that the ‘failure to prevent’ model of corporate criminal responsibility—covering bribery, tax evasion, and fraud—should be embraced, not resisted
Professor Graham Zellick KC argues in NLJ this week that, despite Buckingham Palace’s statement stripping Andrew Mountbatten Windsor of his styles, titles and honours, he remains legally a duke
Writing in NLJ this week, Sophie Ashcroft and Miranda Joseph of Stevens & Bolton dissect the Privy Council’s landmark ruling in Jardine Strategic Ltd v Oasis Investments II Master Fund Ltd (No 2), which abolishes the long-standing 'shareholder rule'
In NLJ this week, Sailesh Mehta and Theo Burges of Red Lion Chambers examine the government’s first-ever 'Afghan leak' super-injunction—used to block reporting of data exposing Afghans who aided UK forces and over 100 British officials. Unlike celebrity privacy cases, this injunction centred on national security. Its use, the authors argue, signals the rise of a vast new body of national security law spanning civil, criminal, and media domains
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