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Closing the gap

04 July 2014 / Tim Malloch
Issue: 7613 / Categories: Features , Judicial review , Procedure & practice
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Should damages be available for judicial review? Tim Malloch investigates

Damages are not generally available as a remedy for judicial review proceedings, unless there has been a breach of EU law or the Human Rights Act 1998. This is an arbitrary distinction that the Law Commission has said should be reformed. This article explains that this general prohibition:

  • is unfair, as it creates an incentive for public office holders not to create documents; and
  • does not provide claimants with an effective remedy for European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) purposes.

Misfeasance in public office

To obtain damages, judicial review claimants have had to plead other claims, in particular the tort of misfeasance in public office. This is what Vincent Tchenguiz has done in his current dispute with the Serious Fraud Office (SFO) (not yet reported). To prevail, claimants need to prove that a public office holder acted with malice or bad faith. The evidential burden for this tort is difficult to satisfy. It is not enough for there simply to be an unlawful

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NEWS
The government’s plan to introduce a Single Professional Services Supervisor could erode vital legal-sector expertise, warns Mark Evans, president of the Law Society of England and Wales, in NLJ this week
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Professor Graham Zellick KC argues in NLJ this week that, despite Buckingham Palace’s statement stripping Andrew Mountbatten Windsor of his styles, titles and honours, he remains legally a duke
Writing in NLJ this week, Sophie Ashcroft and Miranda Joseph of Stevens & Bolton dissect the Privy Council’s landmark ruling in Jardine Strategic Ltd v Oasis Investments II Master Fund Ltd (No 2), which abolishes the long-standing 'shareholder rule'
In NLJ this week, Sailesh Mehta and Theo Burges of Red Lion Chambers examine the government’s first-ever 'Afghan leak' super-injunction—used to block reporting of data exposing Afghans who aided UK forces and over 100 British officials. Unlike celebrity privacy cases, this injunction centred on national security. Its use, the authors argue, signals the rise of a vast new body of national security law spanning civil, criminal, and media domains
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