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Putting the record straight

19 February 2020 / Michael Zander KC
Issue: 7875 / Categories: Features
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Michael Zander’s response on recent criminal justice royal commissions

It is rare that I have reason to cavil at what Jon Robins writes, but I take issue with much of what he wrote on criminal justice royal commissions (‘Royal rumblings in Downing Street’, NLJ, 7 February 2020, p7). Since he has many critical comments and says nothing positive, it seems that that he is doubtful about the value of royal commissions in general and of the most recent royal commission in particular.

First, I was surprised by a couple of disconcerting trivial errors. The Philips Royal Commission on Criminal Procedure was set up in 1978 and reported in 1981. It therefore was not ‘the 1984 Philips Royal Commission’. The Runciman Royal Commission on Criminal Justice (of which I was a member) was set up in 1991 and reported in 1993 and was therefore not ‘the 1996 Royal Commission’.

What is not trivial is Robins’s statement that Runciman ‘completely failed to tackle the Court of Appeal and its reluctance

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NEWS
The government’s plan to introduce a Single Professional Services Supervisor could erode vital legal-sector expertise, warns Mark Evans, president of the Law Society of England and Wales, in NLJ this week
Writing in NLJ this week, Jonathan Fisher KC of Red Lion Chambers argues that the ‘failure to prevent’ model of corporate criminal responsibility—covering bribery, tax evasion, and fraud—should be embraced, not resisted
Professor Graham Zellick KC argues in NLJ this week that, despite Buckingham Palace’s statement stripping Andrew Mountbatten Windsor of his styles, titles and honours, he remains legally a duke
Writing in NLJ this week, Sophie Ashcroft and Miranda Joseph of Stevens & Bolton dissect the Privy Council’s landmark ruling in Jardine Strategic Ltd v Oasis Investments II Master Fund Ltd (No 2), which abolishes the long-standing 'shareholder rule'
In NLJ this week, Sailesh Mehta and Theo Burges of Red Lion Chambers examine the government’s first-ever 'Afghan leak' super-injunction—used to block reporting of data exposing Afghans who aided UK forces and over 100 British officials. Unlike celebrity privacy cases, this injunction centred on national security. Its use, the authors argue, signals the rise of a vast new body of national security law spanning civil, criminal, and media domains
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